|
LOS ANGELES
TIMES
May 21,
2001
"U.S.
Tilt to Taipei Is Seen as Risky"
Diplomacy:
Actions by Bush team, such as letting Taiwan leader visit,
defy spirit of accords with Beijing. China experts warn of
consequences.
By ROBIN
WRIGHT and TYLER MARSHALL, Times Staff Writers
WASHINGTON--More
than two decades after formally abandoning Taiwan in favor
of China, the United States is once again openly cozying up
to the island, defying the spirit of agreements with Beijing,
ignoring its protests and risking further setbacks in an already
tense relationship.
"The Bush administration is more supportive of Taiwan
than any administration since the break in relations in 1979,
which has been reflected in a series of dramatic demonstrations
over the last four months," said Larry Diamond, a senior
fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and co-editor of the
quarterly Journal of Democracy.
The latest
evidence is Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian's scheduled
arrival in New York today for a three-day "transit"
stopover en route to Latin America. Chen is scheduled to meet
with leaders of Congress--once a taboo--as well as visit the
New York Stock Exchange and tour the Metropolitan Museum of
Art.
On the
way back from Latin America next week, Chen is to make a second,
two-day stop in Houston, where Texas Republican Tom DeLay,
the House majority whip, will play host to him at a Houston
Astros baseball game and a steakhouse dinner.
Chen's
visit, a breakthrough in bilateral relations, comes just weeks
after President Bush's impromptu and controversial pledge
that the U.S. would do "whatever it took to help Taiwan
defend herself." That vow was followed by Washington's
offer of a robust new arms package for the vulnerable island,
100 miles off the mainland, which Beijing considers a renegade
province.
Bush's assertion last month included a promise to use military
force if necessary and represented a dramatic departure from
a decades-old policy based on "strategic ambiguity."
The president's
words were striking in part because of his father's role as
the first American envoy to China, an appointment which underscored
the U.S. abandonment of Taiwan. But the current Bush administration
has already gone much further in pursuing Taiwan than even
the government in Taipei anticipated.
"Bush
is much more risk-prone than Clinton on this issue,"
said Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, a specialist in U.S.-Taiwan relations
at Georgetown University.
But the
White House's still-evolving policy, which has unfolded in
a series of actions rather than a formal pronouncement, could
have major consequences down the road, U.S. experts warn.
"It will generate some sort of response from China. Flaunting
relations with Taiwan and rubbing China's nose in it won't
help either U.S.-China relations or cross-strait relations
between China and Taiwan. These things are not forgotten,"
said Robert L. Suettinger of the Rand Corp.'s Washington office.
In 1995,
a landmark transit visit to the United States by then-President
Lee Teng-hui of Taiwan to visit his alma mater, Cornell University,
triggered China's fury--and months of Chinese war games and
missile tests--before tensions abated.
Now, the
repercussions from Chen's visit may already have begun. Last
week, China formally charged a Chinese American business professor
at City University of Hong Kong with spying for Taiwan. Li
Shaomin, who has been held since Feb. 25, is one of very few
U.S. citizens to face espionage charges in China.
Officially,
the Bush administration has reaffirmed long-standing U.S.
policy, which recognizes only one China--with the implicit
expectation that China and Taiwan will eventually reunify
peacefully.
"We
will try to reassure the authorities in Beijing that there
is nothing in the president's transit that they should find
disturbing or in any way modifying or changing or casting
any doubt on the policy that exists between us and the People's
Republic of China," Secretary of State Colin L. Powell
said last week.
But Chen's
"transit" status this week and next--granted to
provide for the "safety, comfort and convenience"
of the applicant--is merely a well-orchestrated charade masking
the warmest welcome the Bush administration can offer without
openly inviting trouble, analysts say.
"A visiting Taiwan official has never had the trappings
of state before, but this visit is one step toward the trappings
of a state visit," said Nicholas Lardy, director of foreign
policy studies at the Brookings Institution.
"It's
clear that Bush has moved away from the 2-decades-old policy
of ambiguity in relations, not only on strategic issues,"
he added.
In New
York from today until Wednesday, Chen will reportedly meet
with Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Jesse Helms
(R-N.C.) as well as with Helms' fellow conservative Rep. Dana
Rohrabacher (R-Huntington Beach) and other congressional figures--attracting
more attention than many heads of state who have made formal
visits to Washington since the Bush administration took office.
Neither
the United States nor Taiwan is discussing Chen's two U.S.
visits, which will bracket a 10-day trip to El Salvador, Guatemala,
Panama, Paraguay and Honduras. But Chen is also scheduled
to be greeted by New York Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani and Houston
Mayor Lee P. Brown, U.S. and Taiwanese sources say.
"The
Bush administration is welcoming members of Congress who want
to meet President Chen and give him the respect due to a democratically
elected leader of a U.S. ally. This is in stark contrast to
the Clinton administration, which treated the Taiwanese like
second-class citizens," DeLay said.
The Clinton
administration actively discouraged lawmakers from meeting
with Chen when he passed through Los Angeles last year. Now,
however, private meetings between members of Congress and
foreign leaders "advance our interests," State Department
spokesman Richard Boucher said last Monday when asked about
Chen's visit.
Although
Taiwan has been promised greater attention as part of Republican
political campaigns in the past, this time an administration
is following through, experts say. And the island's leaders
and envoys are clearly pleased.
"Under
this administration, our relationship is steadily getting
better. This administration is treating our president with
more respect and dignity. It treats us as friends, and it's
easier to communicate with our counterparts. It is also more
positive in our efforts to join international organizations,"
said Chien Jen Chen, the senior envoy at the Taipei Economic
and Cultural Representative Office, Taiwan's de facto diplomatic
mission in Washington.
Indeed,
on Wednesday, Secretary of Health and Human Services Tommy
G. Thompson--who visited Taipei, the Taiwanese capital, several
times when he was governor of Wisconsin--told the World Health
Organization in Geneva that the United States supports a role
for Taiwan in WHO, including attending meetings and using
the island's expertise to advance health issues.
President Chen, meanwhile, is angling for U.S. support to
attend the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Shanghai
in October and to hold talks with Chinese President Jiang
Zemin on political and economic issues, including ending a
decades-old break in direct trade and transport links between
China and Taiwan.
Despite
that ban, China is now Taiwan's largest trading partner, and
the island is China's fourth-largest, after Japan, the United
States and the European Union, according to Min Xin Pei of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. These economic
ties are strengthening informal integration.
But even before Chen arrives, U.S. analysts have begun warning
about the consequences of further solidifying bonds with Taiwan.
"For
China, this is not only loss of face, it's a slap in the face,"
Pei said. "The Chinese won't be able to do anything about
it now. But they're going to hunker down and take the longer
view: He who laughs last, lasts best."
U.S. analysts
warn about the risks of an incremental policy that would either
open the way for or implicitly wink at a declaration of independence
by Taiwan, an idea that has growing backing in Congress.
"It would be a horrendous mistake for Bush to go in the
direction of scrapping the one-China policy and recognizing
Taiwan," Suettinger said.
"U.S.-China
relations are already heading in a backward direction, a retrogression
symbolized most by Taiwan. The danger is that the steady pace
of small steps is cumulatively leading China to conclude that
the United States is making much more fundamental changes
in policy," he added.
Ironically, Taipei appears to be more concerned than Washington
about the dangers of closer ties. Although most Taiwanese
politicians welcome higher-level contact, they express wariness
about becoming a pawn in a power struggle between Beijing
and Washington.
Any upgrade
in relations should be based on Taiwan's role "as a beacon
of democracy in the region, not an outpost of American military
force," said Yu-ming Shaw, former deputy secretary-general
of the Nationalist Party's Central Committee and now publisher
of the Central Daily News. "The United States and the
PRC [People's Republic] have every reason to compete. But
we can't afford to be in the middle of that kind of competition.
We're too small."
|