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FACE
THE NATION
Interview
with National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice
July 29,
2001
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SCHIEFFER:
Good morning, again. And we welcome now the national security
advisor, Condoleezza Rice, her first appearance on Face
the Nation.
Ms. Rice, let's start right with it. You are just back from
Moscow. Secretary of State Powell has been in China. Do you
feel you have made any headway in convincing either of the
leaders of these two countries about America's case for building
an anti-missile defense system?
CONDOLEEZZA RICE, National Security Adviser: I think
we are making progress, particularly with the Russians, who
are, after all, our partners in the ABM Treaty. And we've
made the case to the Russians that it's time to move beyond
the treaty to something that's more appropriate to the post-Cold
War era.
And missile defense is a part of a larger framework that the
president is presenting, with the lower offensive numbers,
with non-proliferation efforts. And we're going to begin now
on a very intensive set of discussions with the Russians about
how to get this done.
I think we're quite a long way from where we were in January,
if you look at the statement that President Putin and President
Bush put out out of Genoa. It clearly talked about a framework
in which we would talk about both offense and defense. That's
a step forward.
With China, it's very clear that we do need to intensify our
consultations with the Chinese, largely because of the EP-3
incident. At about the time that we were going out for broader
consultations, we didn't engage the Chinese at the level we
would have liked to have. So I think we will begin to do that
now.
SCHIEFFER: When you say the EP-3, you mean the spy
plane incident?
RICE: That's right, that's right.
SCHIEFFER: Let me ask you this. You say that you plan
to replace the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. What will we
do? Will we formally withdraw from the treaty? And what will
you put in its place?
RICE: Well, we're open as to form right now. We do
know that we need to do something else. This treaty is very
restrictive. We cannot test properly under the constraints
of this treaty, and we really do believe that it is the wrong
basis for a cooperative U.S.-Russian relationship, since it
was a treaty based on the hostility of the Soviet Union and
the United States.
But we're open as to form. We will talk with our allies. We
will talk with the Congress. We will talk with the Russians
about how to do this.
SCHIEFFER: Let me just ask one other question, because
I want to clear up something. One of the things that you said
during your news conference after your meeting with President
Putin, you said, we are not prepared now to get involved in,
quote, "the kind of tortured arms control talks that
occurred in the past over numbers of strategic weapons."
Are you saying now that the number of weapons in the arsenals
no longer matters?
RICE: Not at all. The president has made clear, President
Bush, that he wants to reduce the number of American offensive
arms. And President Putin has said that he wants to reduce
Russian arms.
But what we don't need is to count every warhead and to try
to match our arsenals exactly. We don't need to cross every
"t" and dot every "i" in the way that
we did in negotiations that took 11, 12 years. It's a different
era. We can have different kinds of discussions about this.
SCHIEFFER: Well, can I just ask you why?
RICE: Because we are not locked now in a relationship
in which the only thing that we and the Soviet Union had in
common was to keep from annihilating one another. This is
a different relationship with Russia. The process by which
we get to security forces that do in fact secure us ought
to be a different process.
GLORIA BORGER, U.S. News & World Report: So you
say you're open to form on this. Tell us, if you got your
wish, what form would it be then, if you're not counting every
missile, OK?
RICE: Well, I think that we really believe that the
United States and Russia ought to talk together about what
we each believe is necessary to secure us. We may not need
to have exactly the same number of offensive warheads. We
may not have exactly the same profile of what kinds of missile
defenses we may wish to deploy.
The arms control treaties of the 1970s and 1980s came out
of a peculiar, abnormal relationship between the United States
and the Soviet Union. It really is the case that almost everything
else was a zero-sum game. We had very little with which to
cooperate with the Soviet Union.
That is not true with Russia. Russia is not a strategic adversary
of the United States. We're not enemies. So the process can
look different. We're cooperating in the Balkans. We're cooperating
on Nagorno-Karabakh. That would have been absolutely inconceivable
with the Soviet Union. So I think we're looking to a different
kind of security relationship.
BORGER: Let's talk about China for a moment. The United
States believes that the Chinese are still selling missiles
to countries like Pakistan. You've tried to tell them to stop,
that they're in violation of some treaties. How are we going
to hold them accountable for these sales?
RICE: The first step is to get into a forum where we
can actually talk about the violations that we see. And Secretary
Powell managed to re-establish with the Chinese the need for
expert-level talks, so that we can actually discuss the cases,
discuss the problems that we see.
Ultimately, if China is transferring weapons of mass destruction
and the means to deliver them to countries that are not responsible,
or to countries that are security risks, I think that we're
not going to have the kind of U.S.-China relationship that
everybody would like to have.
We have a stake in the tremendous transformation that is going
on in the Chinese economy. That's why we want to have trade
with China, why we want them in the WTO. But we also have
a tremendous stake in China playing a responsible part in
international politics.
BORGER: But isn't it true that there's not a lot you
can actually do?
RICE: I think that for China, which is trying to realize
its potential in the international system, a good relationship
with the United States is crucial to doing that. And there
will not be the full development of the potential in U.S.-China
relations if China continues to behave in this way.
No one needs to spell out what means one might take under
certain circumstances. The Chinese understand that we have
very serious concerns about proliferation. I think that's
why they've agreed to begin expert-level talks.
I think we can do this in a cooperative way, because China
should also have no interest in having the spread of these
technologies into unstable places. I think we have a basis
for a good discussion here, and we ought to get about it.
SCHIEFFER: Ms. Rice, the New York Times in an editorial
this morning, makes the point that the United States just
seems to be either withdrawing or showing no interest in any
number of treaties that have been negotiated in recent years:
the Kyoto Treaty, the ABM Treaty, watering down the U.N. agreement
to resolve illegal trafficking in drugs, the non-proliferation
treaty.
Are you concerned that this is going to leave the United States
looking as if it is somehow contemptuous of the work that
has gone before? And that we're somehow sort of an isolationist
country now that's willing to go it alone no matter what the
other countries of the world think?
RICE: You will not find a more internationalist administration
than this administration. We've been engaged with our partners
in the Western Hemisphere. We're engaged with the Europeans
in the Balkans. We're engaged with the Russians in trying
to come to a new framework for security which is much needed
in the world.
But if internationalism somehow becomes defined is as signing
on to bad treaties just to say that you've signed a treaty,
that's not going to be sustainable with the American people.
The president of the United States was not elected to sign
treaties that are not in America's interest, that are not
going to deal with the problems with which they purport to
deal.
And so what we would like to do is to, on these very important
problems - and we share concerns about all of these problems
- is to put forth new ideas, to work with our allies and friends
on things that both will support U.S. interests and that can
deal with the problem.
Some of these treaties were not even supported by the Clinton
administration. It was a rather peculiar thing to sign the
treaty on the international criminal court. But to say forthrightly,
you could never submit it to Congress because it would not
be ratified.
The Bush administration has taken a different tact, which
is that we are going to be honest with our allies about which
treaties are in our interests and are dealing with the problems
with which they purport to deal. And those that are not, we
are not prepared to be party to.
SCHIEFFER: But do you worry that perhaps we're creating
the impression that we simply want to go it alone?
RICE: I think if you are in these meetings with President
Bush and his counterparts around the world, they understand
that we believe that we can be a good partner for our allies
and friends. And indeed, even with the Russians, where we're
trying to forge a new relationship, we're talking about things
that are really important to our interests and to Russian
national interest.
This is going to be an engaged, internationalist administration,
but it will not be an administration that signs on to treaties
that are not in America's interest.
SCHIEFFER: Quick, final one, Gloria.
BORGER: Very quickly, did Colin Powell pledge to the
Chinese that the United States is not going to share missile
defense with Taiwan?
RICE: Colin Powell had a general discussion with the
Chinese of the same kind that we've had with numerous states
around the world, explaining the concept, talking about why
we need to move forward, and saying that we did not see this
as a threat to China.
Anyone who does not wish to blackmail the United States should
not see missile defense as a threat to them. And we believe
that the Chinese do not want to blackmail us; therefore, they
should not see this as a threat.
We will intensify our discussions. But President Bush has
made very clear that our commitments to Taiwan under the Taiwan
Relations Act remain unchanged. In fact, he takes them very
seriously even as we look for a very good relationship with
China.
BORGER: So, is that a yes or a no?
RICE: With China, I think we have been very clear.
We have obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act to help
Taiwan defend itself. Much depends on what the Chinese do
in the region. China must adopt a strategy in the region that
is not threatening to the interests of the United States or
to other states in the region.
SCHIEFFER: Condoleezza Rice, thank you so much for
joining us.
RICE: Thank you.
SCHIEFFER: When we come back, we're going to turn to
that other story, the missing intern, in just a minute.
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